Legal depositions confirm that Leigh Corfman, who accused Alabama Senate candidate Roy Moore of sexually molesting her at age 14 during the 2017 race, had a sexual relationship with Eddie Sexton, her former lawyer, and that they dated as teenagers.
In a deposition for the ongoing legal battle between Corfman and Moore, Sexton confirmed to the court that he dated the Moore accuser as a teenager. Sexton claimed they dated when he was around 17 and she was around 15.
Their difference in age and timeline of their lives and dating seems to suggest Corfman may have been as young as 13 and Sexton 15 when the troubled teenage girl dated Sexton, the older future attorney.
Sexton maintained he did not have a sexual relationship with Corfman during the time they dated as teenagers, but went on to confirm that the two did later have sexual relations. After repeated questioning, Sexton refused to explain when the sexual relationship began and ended. It is unclear whether Corfman and her future lawyer were dating at the time of their sexual relationship.
Strangely, it took several objections from Corfman’s lawyer before Sexton would answer the question regarding their relationship, and after more back and forth between lawyer, he refused to answer the question about when the sexual relationship began.
Legal documents also reveal that, around the time Corfman began dating Sexton, she had recently been placed in her father’s custody in a mutual arrangement reached by her divorced parents. According to a 1979 legal document, Corfman was experiencing “certain disciplinary and behavior issues” that led the parents to believe should benefit from her father’s presence.
It should be noted that this may implicate Corfman in two lies. In a 2017 interview with TODAY, Corfman seemed to suggest the alleged event with Moore led her engage in behavior and to descend on a type of downward spiral that took “decades” to recover from, though the 1979 legal document reveals her parents were already worried about her behavior prior to this event.
Additionally, in the same TODAY interview, Corfman claimed she was not allowed to date by her parents during this time. Sexton directly contradicted this claim by admitting in the deposition that he and Corfman were in a relationship as teenagers, when Corfman would have been under 15 years of age. Corfman entered her father’s custody several months before her 15th birthday.
Interestingly, in a previous deposition, it was revealed that Sexton claimed Corfman “eff’d everyone in Gadsden” and that her father threw “sex parties when [Corfman] was young,” and that Corfman was “put in with that as a young girl.”
Another stunning statement from the deposition claims that Corfman’s father, a doctor, held “sex parties when [Corfman] was young,” and that Corfman was “put in with that as a young girl.”
Sexton also noted that he planned to drop Corfman as a client because he did not believe her claims, and at least one Breitbart reporter said that Sexton “Sat there several times talking s*** about his client [Corfman],” according to Lantrip’s deposition.
Even legal observers inclined to disbelieve Corfman’s claims are unfounded were shocked to learn even Corfman’s own legal team did not believe her.
Moore recently declared his candidacy for the 2020 senatorial race in Alabama, hoping to unseat Democrat Doug Jones, who was buoyed to his position due to both the allegations against Moore and a propaganda campaign titled Project Birmingham, aimed at associating Moore with fictitious Russian Twitter accounts.
Trump Campaign Autopsy Shows Decline in Support From White Men, Coronavirus Epidemic Cost President Re-Election
The 2016 coalition didn’t hold this election.
A post-election autopsy reveals that Donald Trump lost the 2020 presidential election by losing support from White men and Americans who disapproved of his handling and communication regarding the coronavirus epidemic.
Data suggesting as such was obtained by Trump campaign pollster Tony Fabrizio.
“Racially, POTUS suffered his greatest erosion with White voters, particularly White Men in both state groups,” Fabrizio revealed in his findings. Fabrizio referred to swing states that Trump had held from 2016 and those he had lost. The pollster queried voters in ten different states.
Trump also suffered a decline in support from the youngest Americans and those older than 65. There’s strong reason to believe that some assertions within the Republican Party that the coronavirus pandemic was “no biggie” played a crucial in eroding President Trump’s support among seniors, a vital constituency that has traditionally been strongly Republican. Fabrizio’s data indicates that the coronavirus pandemic was by far and away the most important campaign issue in the 2020 election, and that its importance among the electorate played decisively in Joe Biden’s favor.
President Trump’s support among White Men declined by as much as 12% in swing states that he lost in 2020. Joe Biden also improved his vote share among the demographic, which still voted strongly Republican, although in a diminished fashion.
It’s been said that Joe Biden won the election with a Democratic version of the so-called “Sailer Strategy,” discarding the Obama coalition in favor of making direct appeals to white seniors who traditionally vote Republican.
At the direction of Jared Kushner, the Trump 2020 campaign prioritized minority outreach and the so-called ‘Platinum Plan’ in hopes of expanding the President’s base of support. This appears to have been only partially successful, and may have come at the crucial cost of outreach energy and resources targeting middle-class white voters who won Trump the presidency.
Wow! Who saw that coming, besides EVERYONE?
"The autopsy says that Trump saw the 'greatest erosion with white voters, particularly white men.'” https://t.co/y7c4vGmrWt
— Ann Coulter (@AnnCoulter) February 2, 2021
President Trump expanded his support from Hispanic Americans, a vital constituency in states such as Texas, Nevada and Florida. However, the midwestern Rust Belt has smaller Hispanic communities, and Trump ultimately lost Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan. Hispanic outreach in Arizona, a state Trump lost by 10,000 votes, didn’t prove as successful as it was in other Sun Belt states, especially with the state’s White senior population inching to the left, relative to 2016. Buffed Hispanic support didn’t prove enough to ultimately swing Nevada, although the President secured a comfortably high margin of victory in Florida.
Trump’s buffed appeal with Hispanics wasn’t matched with Black voters, who largely voted in a fashion comparable to the 2016 election.
A future Republican candidate- even Trump himself, should he choose to run- would have to look more closely at the path to victory staked out in Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign if they seek a strategy with a proven record of success. It’s entirely plausible to believe that future nationalist, populist and conservative presidential candidates can receive even greater levels of Hispanic support while regaining the white blue-collar populist demographic that swept President Trump into the White House in 2016.
Unfortunately, Fabrizio’s autopsy is likely to be wholly ignored, with a sizable contingent of conservatives blaming Trump’s loss exclusively on a set of election steal theories from “brand” online lifestyle influencers. With a persistent fixation on empty dopamine hits, it may prove that Republicans will never a national election ever again, powerless as the Left and corporations transform the United States into a left-liberal oligarchy.
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