EXCLUSIVE: How Deep State ‘Journalist’ Michael Isikoff Has Been Setting Up Mueller’s Enemies For Years
Marty Watters and Lee Cary
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Deep State conspirator Michael Isikoff’s years-long operations to frame Robert Mueller’s political enemies are coming to light — including bombshell details about his complicity in a plot to target Bush official Scooter Libby with a fraudulent special counsel investigation that Mueller’s FBI knew to be fraudulent.
When the Deep State needs a Special Counsel to protect its friends and punish its enemies, it looks for a willing journalist to help get it done. One is named Michael Isikoff.
When the Swamp needed to protect Hillary Clinton and hurt Donald Trump, they fed Isikoff the phony Steele Dossier that Clinton paid for to frame Trump.
It kicked off the plot that, today, is widely known as Russiagate.
In what was a journalistic obelisk to fake news, on September 23, 2016 Isikoff’s article entitled “U.S. intel officials probe ties between Trump adviser and Kremlin” posted on Yahoo.com.
Then, to round out the cycle of deceit, corrupt officials at the FBI and DoJ used Isikoff’s “news report” to obtain FISA warrants authorizing spying on the Trump Campaign.
In the world of fake journalism, it’s called circular reporting.
Sometimes also called “false confirmation,” circular reporting happens when a piece of information is credited to multiple sources but, in reality, only comes from one source. And when that single source, alleged as credible, is found to be incredible the reporter is guilty of circular reporting. In the Steele Dossier case, Isikoff’s circular reporting was used to authorize the illegal surveillance of a Presidential candidate, plus to justify the unconstitutional appointment of Special Counsel Robert Mueller. In other words: A twofer.
In similar fashion, Isikoff’s deceptive reporting played a key role in the earlier Deep State operation known as Plamegate. Like Russiagate, it involved Deep State actors Robert Mueller and James Comey.
One example of Isikoff’s misleading reporting in the Plamegate hoax came on September 6, 2006 when Isikoff broke the following story: “THE MAN WHO SAID TOO MUCH.”
Isikoff wrote: “Armitage’s admission led to a flurry of anxious phone calls and meetings that day at the State Department. (Days earlier, the Justice Department had launched a criminal investigation into the Plame leak after the CIA informed officials there that she was an undercover officer.) Within hours, William Howard Taft IV, the State Department’s legal adviser, notified a senior Justice official that Armitage had information relevant to the case. The next day, a team of FBI agents and Justice prosecutors investigating the leak questioned the deputy secretary. Armitage acknowledged that he had passed along to Novak information contained in a classified State Department memo: that Wilson’s wife worked on weapons-of-mass-destruction issues at the CIA. (The memo made no reference to her undercover status.) Armitage had met with Novak in his State Department office on July 8, 2003–just days before Novak published his first piece identifying Plame. Powell, Armitage and Taft, the only three officials at the State Department who knew the story, never breathed a word of it publicly and Armitage’s role remained secret.”
Isikoff excluded this crucial fact: When Armitage confessed to FBI and DoJ officials that he was Robert Novak’s source, those officials asked Armitage, Secretary of State Colin Powell and the Legal Adviser to the Department of State William H. Taft to tell no one about Armitage’s confession. Although they were under no obligation to comply, the three agreed to remain silent.
Our source for this initial silencing of the three is Taft. Taft was, Isikoff claimed, the source for his reporting on September 6, 2006.
Isikoff’s omission of the initial silencing by FBI and DoJ officials in 2003 was replaced by his reporting that Patrick Fitzgerald silenced Armitage about three months later after Comey had appointed Fitzgerald as Special Counsel.
Consequently, by altering the silencing timeline, Isikoff omitted the initial complicity of Department of State and Department of Justice officials in the appointment of a Special Counsel tasked to find a leaker who confessed three months earlier.
When James Comey appointed Patrick Fitzgerald three months after Armitage confessed, Comey said Fitzgerald’s mission was to find the criminal leaker.
But that wasn’t true. Just as in Russiagate, the role of the Deep State Special Counsel was not to search for a criminal, but to search for a crime and person(s) to indict. In other words – hunt for scalps.
Isikoff helped create the false narrative of a mission to find the “leaker” who outed Valerie Plame; then, when that narrative no longer was needed, he shifted the storyline toward the prosecution of Scooter Libby for having allegedly lied to the FBI.
Both Plamegate and Russiagate are long-running, bait-and-switch operations aided by duplicitous journalism. They illustrate how Deep State journalism rolls.
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