Steven Camarota of the Center for Immigration Studies released a new report on how immigration has changed the U.S. electorate.
Camarota has used data from the Census Bureau to demonstrate this emerging demographic shift.
Effectively, mass migration, which includes adult immigrants and their adult U.S.-born progeny, has made significant changes to the American electorate since 2000. Such changes have largely been concentrated in a few states such as Georgia, Maryland, New Jersey, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia. In these states, larger shares of the electorate are made up of immigrants or their children.
In this analysis, eligible voters consist of all citizens, both naturalized or American born, who are 18 years or older. The CIS study looked at the share of eligible voters who are naturalized citizens or those born in America with at least one immigrant parent.
Camarota provided a brief overview of what the immigration numbers look like:
- As a share of eligible voters, between 2000 and 2020 adult immigrants and their adult U.S.-born children increased the most in New Jersey, from 23 percent to 36 percent; Texas, from 14 percent to 25 percent; Maryland, from 12 percent to 23 percent; California, from 33 percent to 43 percent; Georgia, from 4 percent to 13 percent; Virginia, from 7 percent to 16 percent; and in North Carolina, from 4 percent to 12 percent.
- Proportionally, immigration has had the most transformational impact on the electorate in states of the South. The share of potential voters who are immigrants or their children increased more than three-fold in North Carolina and Georgia. It doubled in Virginia and Kentucky, and it nearly doubled in South Carolina and Maryland.
- The growth in numbers between 2000 and 2020 in North Carolina and Georgia is by far the most striking. In North Carolina, the number of eligible voters who are immigrants or their children increased by 355 percent — while the rest of the potential electorate grew by just 22 percent. In Georgia, the number increased by 337 percent — while the rest of the potential electorate grew by only 17 percent.
- Nationally, the number of voting-age citizens who are immigrants or their children increased by 71 percent, while the rest of the potential electorate grew by just 15 percent between 2000 and 2020. As a share of eligible voters, immigrants and their children increased their share from 14 percent to 20 percent.
- While the general trend has been for the number of immigrants and their children to increase rapidly, this has not been the case everywhere. In New Hampshire, Kansas, South Dakota, Montana, and North Dakota the number of voting-age citizens who are immigrants or their children fell between 2000 and 2020.
- Reflecting the uneven growth throughout the country, there remain 12 states where immigrants and their children are less than 6 percent of potential voters.
- Nationally, in 2020 about half (48 percent) of the voting-age people of what the Census Bureau used to call “foreign stock” are immigrants and the rest are U.S.-born children with at least one immigrant parent. All of those we identify as naturalized U.S. citizens are assumed to be legally present in the United States. However, some share of naturalized citizens are former illegal immigrants who were awarded citizenship in 1986 as part of the IRCA amnesty or subsequent amnesties. Others are former illegal immigrants who received green cards over the years as part of the “normal” legal immigration process.
Migrants tend to vote Democrat by substantial numbers and do pose a threat to the GOP’s ability to win elections in the long-term. Some Hispanics are beginning to break free from the Democrat’s identity politics spell and pull the lever for Republicans. Many South Texas Hispanics recognize that Mexico is a failed state and want nothing to do with open borders policies that could potentially destabilize their localities. Hence, their support for Trump.
Regardless, immigration restriction should still be a key point of any serious nationalist movement. Democrats should be denied a voting base and the current crop of migrants should be allowed to assimilate the same way their late 19th century predecessors did after the U.S passed immigration restriction in the 1920s.
The GOP should not run away from this issue.
The Department of Homeland Security Has Plans to Undermine Immigration Enforcement
The Biden administration is working towards a de facto abolition of ICE.
Are Democrats going to appease their radical base by abolishing ICE?
Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas is now putting forward a plan to restructure the federal deportation agency in a way that effectively guts its traditional role of arresting and deporting criminal aliens in the country.
According to a Washington Times report by Stephen Dinan, Mayorkas revealed the idea last week in a telephone meeting with ICE personnel in Texas. In this call, Mayorkas proposed taking 4,000 members of ICE off the streets and transitioning them into roles of criminal investigators.
As a result of this proposed change, ICE agents would no longer be working to enforce laws against aliens illegally residing in the U.S. This entails reducing arrests and deportations.
A number of deportation officers said this move was similar to a major city police department shifting its beat cops into detective roles. As a result of this change, no one would be left to patrol the streets for lesser crimes.
“This is an administrative abolishment of ICE as we currently know it,” an ICE source told The Washington Times.
After the phone call, there were still many questions regarding Mayorkas’ intentions with ICE. Questions about what new training ICE agents would have to go through and the pay structure they would be subject to were not addressed.
According to The Washington Times, Mayorkas was of the opinion that ICE officers were in the wrong pay system. Mayorkas allegedly said that deportation officers are in the wrong pay scale but did suggest the idea of a pay raise.
Under the current federal government job system, deportation officers are categorized as GS-1801 jobs and usually fall under GS-12 pay scale. Criminal investigators hold GS-1811 jobs and fall under the GS-13 pay scale.
Mayorkas’ ploy is to use the promotion offers as a way to get ICE agents on board with his plan to gut deportation enforcement plans.
However, one source revealed that many officers feared that they were being forced out of their original jobs.
“It’s all spin,” the source declared. “We’re not going to abolish ICE, but we really are going to abolish ICE as you know it.”
The abolition of ICE is one of the chief slogans for the multicultural Left in recent years, which is committed to importing destabilization levels of migrants.
How ICE’s abolition would look is “tougher to pin down” as Dinan outlined.
They usually aren’t talking about investigating smugglers, street gangs or child pornographers. Homeland Security Investigations, with its 7,000-strong force of GS-1811 criminal investigators, perform those duties.
So far, the “Abolish ICE” crowd is in opposition to the Enforcement and Removal Operations, which is generally tasked with arrests, detention, and deportation of people illegally in the country.
Dinan listed off where the majority of these arrests came from:
Most of those arrests come from deportation officers picking up people who end up in local prisons or jails. But some fraction are at-large arrests in the community — particularly in areas where state and local sanctuary policies block access to prisons or jails.
The administrative tweaks Mayorkas is implementing are indeed a way to defang ICE in a subtle manner. A traditional legislative effort would likely cause massive backlash from voters who would likely take their anger out on politicians at the polls in 2022.
Border security is crucial in maintaining a stable polity. Republicans who have any iota of nationalism in their bones would take this issue and run with it.
Immigration still remains an issue that resonates well with the grassroots.
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