Below is this week’s column by national security writer Terence Rosenthal.
At a Sept. 6 hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee regarding Turkey, future diplomacy between the U.S. and Turkey was discussed. The panel voiced concern on how the Erdogan regime is swiftly moving toward full authoritarianism. This includes dismantling democratic elements, purging anti-Erdogan officials, and human rights violations against proponents of democracy and individual freedom.
The U.S. and Turkey are arriving at a key juncture. Western Officials involved in military and diplomacy are pondering what will happen to the U.S. alliance with Turkey after key battles ensue against ISIS, and leadership in Syria is determined.
The Turkish relationship with NATO and the U.S. will be put to the test as events play out in Deir ez-Zor, Syria. This is a key event, as U.S. and Kurdish forces will likely converge with Syrian-Russian-Iranian allied forces as they pursue ISIS in this territory. Western officials are also discussing the capacity with which the U.S. will supply weapons to Turkey if Erdogan maintains current human rights abuses.
Many are in a quandary on how the U.S. will address imprisonment of American and European tourists and expatriates as possible blackmail for the extradition of a Pennsylvania-based preacher, Fethullah Gulen. The Erdogan regime has blames Gulen and his followers in Turkey for the 2016 coup attempt. Among those imprisoned is U.S. pastor, Andrew Brunson, arrested in October of 2016.
Since last year’s coup attempt, an estimated 2,500 journalists have lost their jobs. Many journalists and academics have also been imprisoned. The Erdogan regime has been quick to label any statement against the government an act of terrorism. In Turkey, those labeled as terrorists, or guilty of subversive activity may be held in detention for indeterminate lengths of time.
Some have stated that Erdogan has overplayed his power regarding NATO. Earlier this year, Turkey restricted German officials from visiting and inspecting their NATO soldiers stationed at Incirlik Air Base.
In the beginning of the ISIS conflict, Erdogan barred the U.S. from using its air base in Turkey. While the U.S. was fighting ISIS in Kobani, Turkish armed forces offered tepid support.
In addition, when the U.S. enlisted Kurdish support in Syria and Iraq, Turkish forces have often been an impediment to fighting ISIS. Many argue that the Erdogan regime, once fervent supporters of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, had little problem with ISIS if it was not infiltrating Turkish territory. In fact, in 2016, it was revealed that Turkey was purchasing oil from ISIS.
Perhaps the Erdogan regime is playing a double game regarding his connection with the West versus its newest relations with Russia and China. In 2013, Turkey considered purchasing a Chinese missile system. Last year, the Turks courted the Putin regime, welcoming Russian aid after the failed coup attempt. In addition, Turkey has agreed to the construction of Gazprom’s Turkstream pipeline. Meanwhile, some officials have discussed alternatives to Incirlik Air Base if Turkey continues its current human rights abuses and quashing of democratic institutions. Using air bases in Cypress or Jordan may be the viable alternative. Although deploying from Cypress and Jordan may cost a bit more, it may come with less opposition strategically.
Meanwhile, some officials have discussed alternatives to Incirlik Air Base if Turkey continues its current human rights abuses and quashing of democratic institutions. Using air bases in Cypress or Jordan may be the viable alternative. Although deploying from Cypress and Jordan may cost a bit more, it may come with less opposition strategically.
Some are considering the prospect of Turkey being ousted from NATO, or the Erdogan regime leaving NATO voluntarily to join China, Russia, and their regional surrogates.
From a military standpoint, Erdogan’s worst enemies are the Kurds, not Russia or Iran. If Russia guarantees pacification of Kurdish territories, Turkey may choose to leave NATO.
Erdogan may have more in common with Putin and Xi than he does with the West.
NATO officials are waiting to see if Turkey improves its human rights record, and makes a legitimate effort to fight ISIS with the Kurds.
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Turkey Human Rights, Crackdown on Press Freedom Comes Under Renewed Scrutiny in Geneva
Last week, the UK-based International Observatory of Human Rights (IOHR)and the Press Emblem Campaign held an information meeting in Geneva, to coincide with the United Nations Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Turkey over hate crimes, minority, and LGBT rights, and press freedoms with a specific focus on the nation’s crackdown on these rights during the failed 2016 coup and the emergency rule that followed during which the government allegedly used its security powers to arrest thousands of people who opposed it.
Turkey’s human rights record was last reviewed in 2015 during the UPR. This was the third time in 10 years that Turkey’s record has come under review
Diplomats, minister, prominent members of Turkish media and human rights defenders – including those who have been forced into exile – were present at the event. Also in attendance was former U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues in the Office of Global Criminal Justice Ambassador Stephen Rapp. Louise Pyne Jones, head of research, International Observatory of Human Rights (IOHR) moderated the event. Two panels were held. The first was called “Press Freedom” and included Yavuz Baydar, editor-in-chief of Ahval; Evin Baris Altintas, journalist and blogger; and Massimo Frigo; senior Legal Advisor for International Commission for Jurists (ICJ). The second panel, “Human Rights Defenders,” included Dr. Sebnem Korur Fincanci; president of the Human Rights Foundation in Turkey; Nurcan Baysal, award-winning Turkish Human Rights Defender and Journalist; and Anne van Wezel, former co-chair EESC EU-Turkey Joint Consultative Committee.
Following an attempted, and failed, “coup” against the ruling Justice and Development (AKP) Party in 2016, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan accused many of his opponents and naysayers, including journalists who were critical of him and his government, of supporting terrorism and prosecuted many of them. Erdogan also suggested that the attempted coup was the work of exiled Imam Fethullah Gulen and his movement, which Turkey considers a terrorist organization. Turkey has asked for the United States to extradite Gulen. Gulen has been living in the United States in a self-imposed exile since 1999. Over 250 people died as a result of the failed coup attempt.
Soon after the coup, Turkey implemented a state of emergency (SOE) which it said: “was put into effect in order to ensure the continuity of effective implementation of the measures for the protection of the rights and freedoms of our citizens, democracy and the rule of law.” However, the AK Party’s critics have maintained that the AK Party used the umbrella of its broader emergency powers and continuously postponed ending that state of emergency, in an attempt to destroy its political opposition.
Many journalists were apprehended under this state of emergency until it was lifted on July 19, 2018. As such, for three straight years, and up until 2019, the Committee to Protect Journalists ranked Turkey as the worst jailer of journalists in the world. According to Turkish, English, and Arabic-language news site Ahval, when China jailed 48 journalists to Turkey’s 47.
Nurcan Baysal, an award-winning Kurdish Human Rights Defender, Journalist, and contributor to Ahval, said she was even cautious with the words she used on the panel discussion for fear of punishment by the Turkish government. “We are censoring ourselves because of these fears,” Baysal said. “For example, before coming here I asked myself if I should use certain words, should I use the word invasion, or should I use the word war, because today in Turkey even to say war is forbidden,” she said. “Everything that I say has an effect on not only my life but of the lives of my children and family.”
Ahval editor in chief Yavuz Baydar said, “No state or power can decide who is a journalist, it is the domain for professional organizations and should always be separate from power.”
According to the IOHR, “In the previous UPR cycle of Turkey, the Turkish government officially supported 14 recommendations related to strengthening the legal framework on freedom of expression and 5 recommendations specifically related to bringing terrorism legislation in line with international human rights standards.
Hugh Williamson, the Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch recently said, “The huge number of journalists, politicians, and perceived government critics in prison and on trial flies in the face of the Turkish government’s public statements about the state of human rights in the country “Turkey’s disregard of human rights is a disservice to its citizens, who deserve to live with dignity and freedom.”
Meanwhile, Turkey’s state-run pro-government newspaper the Daily Sabah put out propaganda about the Erdogan government writing, “U.N. Human Rights Council highlighted Turkey’s achievements in the fields of judiciary, human rights and humanitarian causes on Tuesday during a Universal Periodic Review (UPR) meeting in Geneva.”
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